Survey collection website Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Survey collection website - Essay Example In terms of pricing, both websites provide free sign-up for basic features and Pro Sign Up for advanced features. In surveymonkey.com, the Basic feature is free, select feature costs $24 per month, Gold feature costs $299 per year and Platinum costs $779 per year. I designed a survey with surveymonkey.com. The template was very easy to create because it just involved answering questions by selecting one of multiple choices provided. The template was useful because it enabled me to understand the item I was surveying; hence I could make the right decision. The survey was very easy to launch because I just filled some information and submitted; and then it was launched automatically. This might be useful for me in future to survey the market and make the right decision about my target market and the kind of product or service that I can offer in that market. In order to launch the product in real life, I would have needed to complete details of my target audience and the required number of audience to be surveyed. â€Å"Survey Monkey or Zoomerang: How to Choose?† by Susan Barnes is an article that explains the features and benefits of using the two websites. One of the disadvantages of using these features is that respondents are not see n, so they may provide unreliable information. Barnes, S. (2010). Survey Monkey or Zoomerang: How to Choose? Outreach Evaluation Resource Centre, Accessed October 4, 2014 from

Personal Statement Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 2

Personal Statement - Essay Example I have enjoyed archaeology since I was a small child, pouring through a substantial volume of books and published articles about general archaeology and Egyptology. Reputable and well-known historians and experts in antiquity have given me the fundamental self-taught education in the field that only served to inspire even more zealous interest in this area of study and career. Currently, I am studying at Kaplan International College in areas of generalized education. However, I was recently accepted at Westminster University to study law on the advice of my caregivers. Upon careful examination and assessment of their influence, I realize that my true passion is archaeology and aspire to reject their intentions to pursue an area of interest of which I am dedicated and highly motivated. Archaeology gives us a framework to identify with ourselves in the modern world by comparing historical record and lifestyle with contemporary culture. My enthusiasm for this area of study is unparallel ed and I can think of no more appropriate field that is perfectly constructed for my ambitions and level of interest.

Educational performance Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Educational performance - Case Study Example Thus, there is a greater impact of the social class on the education of the children and the parents' attitudes towards the education of the children. In this case there are two main concepts given and these are known as resistance and conformity. These two concepts are the main ones in order to understand the attitudes of the parents towards the education of their children. There is a higher probability that the parents shall be resisting or conforming to the children acquitting the college degree. These parents need to ensure that there is an important role being played by education in the success of the children in future. It has also been seen that there are higher chances of the occupational success of the children who have the higher education. However, in this case Librarians of Institutes of Education (Great Britain), British Library (2000) observed that the acquiring of education is dependent on the social status of parents as the poor people are against the education and degree acquisition from the British universities. In this case a great deal of research has been done on the children as well as the British parents and it has been observed that there are many parents are not developed socially and they resist the education of the children at grade 1 level in the British schools. Because of this resistance there is a change in the concept of self and the desire to get the education. In this case, the main role is also played by the beliefs that are held by the parents. There are many parental differences that make a difference in the attitudes of the children towards the schooling and it is realized that the schooling has been realized that if the schooling is realized as a socializing agency. According to the concepts that have been given in this case, Cox, (2000) says that the education of a pupil is dependent on the educational potential that the pupil has and the pupil is in turn dependent on the social position of the pupil. There are some assessments of the parents that are related to the children and their education and the social status of the parents play important roles. Vermeulen and Perlmann (2000) say that the assessments of the British parents are related to social representations. The carrier systems of the social interpretations are included in the analysis of the social interpretations. There are some studies carried out that make sure that there is an inclusion of the educational experiences of the parents as if the education of the parent is higher than the expectations of the children from the children are higher. It has been seen that the social representation of the parents has been included in the educational opportunities. There are many theories that have been given in relation to these attitudes and Rogers (2005) has observed that if the parents are educated, they are nearer towards the education system and they realize the changes that are taking place in the education system as well as the needs that are needed in the children. In addition to this, they understand the importance of the education in the children

Polo Activity in Wellington Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Polo Activity in Wellington - Assignment Example On the other hand, the National Horse Show brings in another $8.5 million which further highlights the importance of these three events not only in the tourism but also the real estate and other services industry in Wellington (Palm Beach County Club 1). The discussed origin of how Wellington becomes synonymous with polo shows that the economy has directly and indirectly invested in this revenue generating activities. Before the height of its popularity, initial investment has amounted more than just monetary but intensive and extensive marketing campaigns in order to promote these activities. Currently, these initial investments are being continued through the form of expenses in order to finance taking care of horses which are used for the race. Economic Research Associates estimates that Palm County Beach Equestrian residents are pouring in $121 million each year for the care of their 11,000 horses (Gasset and Gasset 5). With the vibrant outlook for the polo events in Wellington together with the expected increase in the GDP of the community, induced investments are also projected in the medium term. Among this is Mark Bellissimo's plan of the making the showground in Wellington part of a "multi-billion dollar 140 acre show facil ity with varied year round Equestrian events" (Gasset 3) adding that he wants to make this the "Center of The Equestrian Universe" (Gasset 3). The magnitude of how these investments in ensuring that these polo events will be as exciting, prestigious, and attractive to tourists and fans together with the revenue generated by the events can be measured by looking at these at an economic standpoint. It should be noted that the investments poured in as well as revenues generated are magnified when taken into account how these are used and passed on to the different economic players in the community. Economically speaking, the total amount of revenue and investment brought in Wellington by polo should be multiplied by Keynes' multiplier in order to really calculate how much wealth it created for the community (Brue and McConnel 225). In the case of Wellington, the huge number of fans which devote their time and money in watching the tournaments do not only shore in direct income but promoted the creation and development of vibrant service, real estate, and tourism industries which gives livelihood and revenue to Wellington. The role of investments in pump priming the economy can be illustrated by the plans of making the community an even more developed venue for polo events. For instance, when Mark Bellissimo finally puts into practice his plan of renovating the Wellington showground, we assume that this will be in an amount of $1 billion for simplicity. This amount of investment will be used to finance the sourcing of input, payment for labor, machinery, and other necessities. Thus, this $1 billion is passed on to these economic players in forms of payments, salaries, and wages. As a result, they will have a higher disposable income which they can spend for the purchase of goods and services. On the other hands, goods and other service providers will have higher revenue where they can use in order to produce more of their products. This process of wealth creation goes on and on. As an example, this paper will look at how investment creates

United states v. ziegler Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

United states v. ziegler - Essay Example However, his plea for suppression of his case was thrown out after it was argued that the office and an office computer does not belong to a person but it is an entity for the employer. The appellate argued that the employer pays the rent for the office and supply computer to his employee (Appeal from the United States District Court for the District of Montana). Nevertheless, after Ziegler was convicted he appealed the ruling in the Ninth Circuit court. The court overturned the decision of the lower court by arguing that Ziegler right were contravened when his office machine was searched without his notice or a search warrant. The judge said that Ziegler office attracted privacy as he did not share it with other employees. The court argued â€Å"Because Ziegler had a reasonable expectation of privacy in his office, any search of that space and the items located therein must comply with the Fourth Amendment† (Appeal from the United States District Court for the District of Montana). In conclusion, I do agree with the decision of the Ninth Circuit court that privacy in the office also is protected in the Fourth

The Stone Angel by Margaret Laurence Essay Example for Free

The Stone Angel by Margaret Laurence Essay Hagar Shipley is main character in The Stone Angel written by Margaret Laurence and goes through a rough life after growing up in the little town of Manawaka, Canada. At the age of ninety, she realized how stubborn and reserved she was to people she was closest to, her father, her brothers and her own son. In Hagars younger years she was skating on the pond with Dan and Matt, her brothers when one of the, Dan, fell in the pond skating backwards, trying to impress some ladies. Back home Matt then asked Hagar to get and put on the old plaid shawl their mother used to wear, then comfort Dan who has pneumonia, just as their mother used to comfort the boys when they were little. But Hagar refused: He turned to me then, and held both my hands in his, theonly time I ever recall my brother Matt doing such a thing. [] I cant. Oh Matt, Im sorry, but I cant, I cant. Im not a bit like her. [] Before Matt let himself mourn or even tell me it went over, he came close to me and put both his hands on me quiet gently, except that he put them around my throat. Pg. 25-26 This shows parts of Hagar and her stubbornness, she can not even comfort her own brother as it would make her appear as a weak young woman, thus completley against what she grew up with, her dad always drilled Hagar not to show any emotions in any situation but also the way she liked to be since she did not know the other Hagar. She was taught to be stubborn, selfish and emotionless. Hagars relationship to her own father was not the greatest since he never treated her the way a father is supposed to by showing pride of his girl, treating her with respect and actually show emotions, rather then just nodding after she has done something correctly: When I repeated them all through [] hed nod. Thats all hed ever say, when I got it right. He never believed in wasting a word or a minute. Pg. 7 She was taught to be the cold-hearted lady and never to sympthasize with anyone. Hagars entire life was a tragedy, she did not even hug her own son before he left to fight in the war. I didnt know what to say to him. I wanted to beg him to look after himself, to be careful, as one warns children against snowdrifts or thin ice or the hooves of horses, feeling the flimsy words may act as some kind of charm against disaster. I wanted all at once to hold him tightly, plead with him, against all reason and reality, not to go. Pg. 129 Hagar did not know what to say to him but she knew exactly what she would have done to him, hold him tightly and hug him for maybe the last time in her life, but then she is ashamed of doing so. Hagar, once again, is emotionless to people she is closest to, even her own son. But I did not want to embarrass both of us, nor have him think Id have taken leave of my senses. While I was hesitating, he spoke first. Pg. 129 Hagar is embarrassed of hugging her own son, as she says she does not want him to think that she would have taken leave of her senses, which, for her, was the total emotionless, stubbornness and monotonuesness. Hagar even hesitates to talk to him, she is totally lost with the feeling of insecurity about herself, her life and the way she lived it. Those four incidents show how tragic Hagar was in her lost life, her own world created by herself with her stubbornness and her father, drilling into her head that showing emotions to anyone is the weakest thing to do. Hagar, ninty years old, does not know what emotions are, does not know what love is or even feels like. You call that love. Lady, if that wasnt, what is? I dont know. I just dont know, Im sure. Pg. 228

Sociological Theories of Leisure: Marx and Weber

Sociological Theories of Leisure: Marx and Weber Leisure is an area of sociological study that has, according to many sociologists including Chris Rojek[1] been neglected. The literature, certainly in the countries of Britain and Australia, has been dominated by views and theories that fit into a Marxist framework. ‘Leisure’ is juxtaposed against what is deemed its opposite, ‘work.’ In this essay I shall attempt to elucidate some of that Marxist framework and then criticise what can be viewed as its limitations thus, hopefully, highlighted and understanding some of the implications necessary for a further and deeper understanding of the sociology of leisure. Marx’s most basic premise, that man in capitalist society is alienated from his own labour, is also, unsurprisingly, the theoretical underpinning for Marxist notions of leisure. The change from older forms of economic markets to capitalist industrialisation forced a schism in the work/leisure relationship. â€Å"The identification of leisure as the sphere in which needs are satisfied and pleasure found simultaneously makes work less susceptible to criticism as unsatisfactory and more salient as that which has to be tolerated to ‘earn’ the freedom of leisure. Instrumentalism about work is built into this enforced separation: ‘leisure’ is the prize to be won.†[2] This demarcation is seen as the principle victory, in a stream of relatively uncontested battles, of capitalism in regards to leisure. The alienation of labour is made more tolerable by leisure activities and pursuits. The idea that one worked to live at the weekend, or outside of work, became prevalent. Work became a means to an end. The sphere of leisure, once created, offered the ruling classes the opportunity to restrict and control workers lives further, in insidious ways, permeating what was supposed to be ‘free’ time. â€Å"If the working class wants alcohol and music, it shall have them but only to be consumed under certain conditions.†[3] Under the guise of caring for workers rights and needs, and by setting up institutions of leisure, the dominant ruling classes could ensure that time away from work was spent in activities deemed appropriate. The point of this control was, of course, to ensure the productivity of workers and thus perpetuate the capitalist market. A hung over worker was of little use. â€Å"The establishment of leisure as consumption†¦has also been of considerable significance.†[4] This was capitalism’s second great victory in regards to leisure. The capitalist process, at its most fundamental, is all about consumption. By turning leisure into a commodity, to be bought and sold as well as used, revenue could be exploited. The irony and hypocrisy of the sphere of leisure, supposedly free of capitalist ideology, feeding that ideology with new avenues of revenue, production and reproduction, is shown by Clarke and Critcher. The freedom of leisure is a fallacy. â€Å"The much vaunted democracy of the market-place rests on the rather less democratic foundations of the profoundly unequal distribution of wealth and income.†[5] Instead of resistance to the fact that choice is limited, nay controlled, by the market, we, the consumer, value what choices we do have all the more. Choice in leisure is curtailed by social division and unequal distribution.â€Å"Those with relatively more control over work tend to have more control over their leisure; class does not end at the factory gate†¦gender even less so.†[6] Clarke and Critcher indicate a direct link between the alienation of work, to an alienation of leisure, precisely because they conceptualise leisure as being a by product of what we term as work. Leisure is defined by work, caused by work and needed because of work in a capitalist industrial society. Resistance to leisure models are, according to Clarke and Critcher, ultimately futile. The market can not completely control how leisure products are used, the young especially tend to use them in ways never envisioned. This would be seen as a site of resistance except, â€Å"Such strategies may modify but cannot challenge the market/consumer model. Before we can modify the meaning and use of any commodity, we must first enter the market as consumers to acquire it.†[7] â€Å"In a manner sometimes reminiscent of the early Marx, Simmel argues that modern production is not the site of creativity, of individuality, of pleasure.†[8] Marx stated that workers were alienated from their species being, their creativity, individuality and ultimately their pleasure. Simmel here echoes those sentiments. He also concurs that leisure is an escape from such alienation. â€Å"In this context then, the history of forms of leisure is the history of labour The exhaustion of our mental and physical energies in work lead us to require only one thing of our leisure; ‘we must be made comfortable’; ‘we only wish to be amused.’†[9] These notions are very similar to those of Marxist and neo-Marxist theorists such as Clarke and Critcher. Leisure is a reward for time spent working and the real purpose of leisure is to repair and relax the worker ready to once more be a useful member of the industrial complex. â€Å"The sphere of non-work, ostensibly that of leisure, can also be filled out by consumption and by circulation in search of what is new. Where a mass of consumers has been created, commodities can be sold for their price rather than their quality.†[10] It is to be noted that in sociology of the Marxist tradition, and here in Simmel’s own words, what constitutes leisure in a capitalist society for the workers is judged morally bankrupt and alienating. Quantity over quality, mere amusement over the satisfaction of any deeper needs. Many theorists question this view. Wrestling would certainly be treated as such mere amusement in a Marxist or Simmel tradition, yet for Barthes[11], such ‘low’ culture reproduces the ‘species being’ that they see as lacking from capitalist leisure. The Marxist tradition makes those judgements with very little empirical evidence. As Rojek states, â€Å"So far leisure and other studies have provided little sense of what people actually do or feel in pubs, gardens, kitchens, on pitches or package tours.†[12] The assumption of what people experience during leisure is dangerous. [13] In Freudian psychology, â€Å"An irresistible verbal transition†¦effortlessly replaces the†¦term ‘leisure,’ with a substitute, ‘pleasure.’†[14] In essence our existence, at the polymorphous perversity stage, begins as fun. The processes of society, the rules of the ego, attempt to cage that fun. â€Å"The world of fun is repressed.†[15] Freud noted the classic bourgeois ego, perhaps best represented by Veblen’s â€Å"Leisure class.†[16] For Freud, it was, â€Å" Just this ‘objectivity’ which justified the utilitarian tradition in psychology, and, viewing the individual as a consumer rather than a producer, regarded pleasure as the consequence of possessing valued objects.†[17] Freud depicted the Bourgeois ego as deriving its pleasure from owning commodities. This pleasure was leisure and inexorably, in both implicit and explicit ways, the subordinate classes were compelled to adopt this view because, as Rojek points out, â€Å"the ideas of the bourgeois class are the ruling ideas in society.†[18] Interestingly, Freudian psychology breaks with Marxist tradition. The pleasure of fun is not to be found in commodities. Commodities are the only form of leisure since, under capitalist ideology all leisure is a commodity. So, reacting to the psychological need to escape from the alienation of work, people seek excitement from their commodities instead. â€Å"Consumption has become exciting†¦Possession, of course, remains its prerequisite, but necessity is held in abeyance.†[19] The act of shopping in itself has become the excitement, the commodity itself holds less importance. Evidence of this comes from, â€Å"The comparative longevity of modern goods (Which are) overwhelmed by the wish for continual newness.†[20] Freud, rather pessimistically, saw no real way out of this ideological trap, hence his claim, â€Å"For psychoanalysis the modest therapeutic aim of ‘transforming neurotic misery into common unhappiness.’†[21] â€Å"Kelly argues that, ‘If something has to be done then it isn’t leisure’ and that ‘leisure is generally understood as chosen activity that is not work.’†[22] Sociology is replete with such ethereal and vague definitions of just what exactly leisure is. Clarke and Critcher state that their work, â€Å"Does not attempt to lay to rest all those complex definitional questions about what is or is not leisure. We do not believe that these questions can be solved by ever more elaborate analytical juggling.†[23] H F Moorhouse[24] takes issue with this. He raises the very salient point that one could consider it blithely ignorant to conduct a whole study without first defining what it is one is researching. Clarke and Critcher rely on a ‘self evident’ truth of what leisure is. ‘Self evident’ truths are, quite often, less than self evident. They rely on common sense notions, but sense in this case is not necessarily c ommon. â€Å"It operates with the simplistic and stereotyped view of what most ‘work’ is like, seeing it as impoverished, routinised, deskilled etc†¦..What is a very complicated issue is oversimplified.†[25] For Moorhouse, their treatment of work is crude and their definition of leisure spurious. They refuse â€Å"To allow that paid labour can be, for most, a source of satisfaction, purpose, creativity, qualitative experience, and so on.†[26] This can only be seen as a weakness. Classical assumptions of the nature of work and leisure may no longer be sufficient. Clarke and Critcher state that they are writing during a time (1985) of transition to ‘post-industrial’ society. If one take this claim seriously then it has important implications. â€Å"The introduction of flexi-time and the development of human relations techniques in management have made the workplace less oppressive and monotonous for many workers†¦Moreover, technical progress enables paid employment to be conducted from the home.†[27] Technology, in particular that most wide of world webs, has magnified the possibilities of working from home and blurred the lines of what constitutes work and leisure still further. The dualistic and simplistic account, as found in Clarke and Critcher and other works in the Marxist tradition, may no longer be completely adequate to explain the sociology of leisure. Their account seems isolated in a very specific moment, a moment of change . Older accounts, Veblen’s, Marx’s, Simmel’s, may have been entirely accurate at the time they were published, but that time has long since past. Other considerations may need to be taken into account. â€Å"My submission is that the distinctions between work and leisure, public and private life, duty and excitement, have blurred.†[28] If one takes the work of Rojek seriously, what implications for the tired and simplistic definitions of what constitutes work and leisure? Freud defines leisure as pleasure as fun. If the boundaries of what constitutes leisure and work are indeed eroding could it mean that leisure, pleasure and fun can be found in work? Or work in fun? A cogent example would be of a party that one feels obliged to attend. You do not like the food, you hate the music, you’re surrounded by people you despise and you would give anything to be anywhere else. Yet this is your leisure time? The sociology of leisure needs to address these concerns. â€Å"Relationships and structures of leisure help mitigate human problems, foster cohesion in communities, alleviate personal suffering, maintain economic stability, and encourage political activity.†[29] Some sociologists see leisure as being a site for developing essential social networks, places that maintain and improve cohesion and interaction. If one considers Simmel’s conception that sociability is the, â€Å"Pure form of interacting independence of individuals,’†[30] then one might conclude that the development of leisure networks are a ‘morally’ good occurrence that let actors enjoy true or ‘pure’ leisure, pleasure and fun. Perhaps for the good of the sociology of leisure, â€Å"There is a need to shift attention away from the characteristics of individuals or groups as the unit of analysis, and focus on the characteristics of social relationships between people.†[31] â€Å"Social structure may also be manipulated by the intentional activities of actors.†[32] The Marxist based argument is one sided. The bourgeois are the active oppressors, the working class the submissive victims and there is no room for any real dialogue between worker’s desire and capitalist ideology. [33] Also it assumes that capitalist ideology is uniform and coherent. The ideological structure is rarely that simple. Feminist theorists such as Wearing[34] raise the issues of the problem of women’s experiences of leisure. Though raised in Clarke and Crichter’s work, their account does not, perhaps, delve deeply enough into the feminist sociological perspective. The structural and pervasive economic ideology of Marxism is, in many ways, present in feminist accounts, however particular attention should be paid to the fact that this ideology is exclusively the preserve of men, and is not exclusively economic. Theorists such as Butler[35] indicate the problem of explaining women’s position in society while being forced to use the only language available, the language of masculinity. Still further Collins critiques feminism as the preserve of white women only.[36] â€Å"If one ‘is’ a woman then that is surely not all that one is†¦gender intersects with racial, class, ethnic, sexual and regional discursively constituted identities.†[37] In conclusion and as stated above in the introduction to this essay, leisure is very often regarded as having been neglected in the arena of sociological study. Perhaps one of the reasons for this indifference has been the genuine problem of even defining exactly what leisure is. The Marxist tradition has held dominance in the field much since the time of Marx himself. Even those who I have used to criticise some of the Marxist perspectives themselves share many similar views[38]. This is because it is incredibly difficult to understand leisure without its ‘opposite.’ This study is really as much of a study of work as it is of leisure and this author actually can not find fault in that approach. What I do find fault with is the quite often simplistic dualism that is depicted between the two. As Rojek concludes, the edges between work and leisure are blurred and this is something that is important to the future study of leisure. Marxist ideas are frequently accused of being economicly deterministic. Whilst I personally find that accusation a tad harsh, many of the theories outlined above could be accused of considering the economic, the capitalist, a little too much in their theorisations. â€Å"Leisure†¦Ã¢â‚¬ËœIs action in structure†¦produced by action in the real world of roles and responsibilities as well as the division of race, class, age and gender.†[39] All of these particular characteristics must be considered in any study of leisure. Moorhouse suggests a methodology. â€Å"Weber used the concepts of status group and lifestyle to refer to specific patterns of consumption and culturally based attachments. †[40] What is certain is that by using such concepts, and still further, the sociology of leisure can only broaden its knowledge. Bibliography Roland Barthes Mythologies pub by J. Cape 1972 Roland Barthes Image, music, text pub by Fontana Press 1977 Leisure for leisure edited by Chris Rojek. Published by Macmillan press 1989 The devil makes work: Leisure in capitalist Britain by J Clarke and C Critcher. Published by Macmillan 1985 Leisure in society, A network structural perspective by Patricia A Stokoswki. Published by Mansell 1994 Ways of Escape by Chris Rojek. Published by Macmillan Press 1993 Leisure and Feminist Theory by B Wearing. Published by Sage 1998 Gender trouble by Judith Butler. Published by Routledge 1999 Black feminist thought by P H Collins. Published by Routledge 1990 The theory of the leisure class by Thorstein Veblen. Published by The new American library 1959 Footnotes [1] Leisure for leisure edited by Chris Rojek. Published by Macmillan press 1989 Ways of Escape by Chris Rojek. Published by Macmillan Press 1993 [2] The devil makes work: Leisure in capitalist Britain by J Clarke and C Critcher. Published by Macmillan 1985 p94-95 [3] Ibid p95 [4] Ibid p95 [5] Ibid p96 [6] Ibid [7] Ibid p201 [8] Leisure for leisure edited by Chris Rojek. Published by Macmillan press 1989 p78 [9] Ibid p83 [10] Ibid p78 [11] Roland Barthes Mythologies pub by J. Cape 1972 Roland Barthes Image, music, text pub by Fontana Press 1977 [12] Leisure for leisure edited by Chris Rojek. Published by Macmillan press 1989 p31 [13] Though Rojek himself reaches many of the same himself conclusions regarding the banality of modern leisure, in particular package tours, travel and tourism. Ways of Escape by Chris Rojek. Published by Macmillan Press 1993 [14] Leisure for leisure edited by Chris Rojek. Published by Macmillan press 1989 p53 [15] Ibid p64 [16] The theory of the leisure class by Thorstein Veblen. Published by The new American library 1959 The ruling Bourgeois idea of leisure, for Veblen, was conspicuous consumption, the ostentatious display of wealth through the purchase of commodities. [17] Leisure for leisure edited by Chris Rojek. Published by Macmillan press 1989 p69 [18] Ibid p101 [19] Ibid p70 [20] Ibid p70 [21] Ibid p57 [22] Ibid p17 [23] The devil makes work: Leisure in capitalist Britain by J Clarke and C Critcher. Published by Macmillan 1985 pxiii [24] Leisure for leisure edited by Chris Rojek. Published by Macmillan press 1989 [25] Ibid p22 [26] Ibid p25 [27] Ibid p108 [28] Ibid p108 [29] Leisure in society, A network structural perspective by Patricia A Stokoswki. Published by Mansell 1994 p112 [30] Leisure for leisure edited by Chris Rojek. Published by Macmillan press 1989 p87 [31] Leisure in society, A network structural perspective by Patricia A Stokoswki. Published by Mansell 1994 p38 [32] Ibid p112 [33] At least not in any meaningful way as we have seen in the above example, from Clarke and Critcher, that the very entry into the market process taints any action with is ideological stigma. [34] Leisure and Feminist Theory by B Wearing. Published by Sage 1998 [35] Gender trouble by Judith Butler. Published by Routledge 1999 [36] Black feminist thought by P H Collins. Published by Routledge 1990 [37] Gender trouble by Judith Butler. Published by Routledge 1999 p6 [38] Ways of Escape by Chris Rojek. Published by Macmillan Press 1993 [39] Leisure in society, A network structural perspective by Patricia A Stokoswki. Published by Mansell 1994 p37 [40] Leisure for leisure edited by Chris Rojek. Published by Macmillan press 1989 p31